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If someone uses "charufosi" (the Yehuda term for erusin) in Galil, is the kiddushin valid? The shiur analyzes the Gemara (גמרא)'s requirement that lashon kiddushin must be the language of the place, exploring whether this means actual geography or replicable linguistic context. The Ramchal's multi-factor framework for onshim provides background to understanding why certain legal acts require public recognition.
The shiur opens with an extended analysis of the Ramchal's framework in Derech Hashem (ה׳) for determining the severity and nature of punishment. The Ramchal identifies four factors: (1) the magnitude of the cheit itself (godol ha'onesh), (2) the frequency of occurrence (rov imtzo), (3) the strength of the person's drive to commit it (rov hasosim badavar), and (4) the ease of committing the act undetected (kalos asos hama'aseh). Rabbi Zweig works through the logic of these categories, noting that capital punishment (misas beis din) requires a tremendous heftzeh—a genuine societal loss—and cannot be justified by frequency or ease alone. He distinguishes between Jewish and Gentile law, noting that a Jew is only killed when there is a major loss to the world, since killing a human being who has demut Elokim is itself a tremendous depletion of the world's resources. By contrast, a Gentile, who has tzelem Elokim but not demut Elokim, can be executed for lesser sins like theft, reflecting that he is a "guest" in the world rather than a citizen with inherent rights. The shiur then transitions to Kiddushin 6a. The Gemara (גמרא) discusses whether saying "harei at charufosi" creates kiddushin. In Yehuda, the word "charufa" means "erusin," so the kiddushin would be valid. The Gemara rules that this only works "be'Yehuda"—in the place where charufa has that meaning. Rabbi Zweig examines the Mishnah (משנה) Berurah's ruling in the Beer HaGolah that this is a strict geographic requirement: if four Israelis from Yehuda are on vacation in France and perform kiddushin using "charufosi," it is invalid, even though all four parties (man, woman, two witnesses) speak the same Hebrew dialect and understand the term perfectly.
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Kiddushin 6a
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Why does the Gemara present a kal v'chomer for chuppah making kiddushin based on kesef not being maichel b'terumah, only to reject it? The shiur reveals that even the rejected kal v'chomer establishes a fundamental yesod: kiddushin is a kinyan for ishus (marital relationship), not merely a kinyan in hilchos kinyanim. The second kal v'chomer—from chuppah being gomeres—raises Tosafos's famous question.
Is the kesef used in kiddushin a true kinyan (acquisition), or merely a symbolic means of establishing marriage? The shiur analyzes multiple interpretations of the Gemara's derivation from ki yikach ki'ach mi'Sayeffron, exploring whether marriage constitutes ownership, and develops three fundamental approaches: (1) The Gemara proves ishus is a kinyan, (2) ishus is not a kinyan but uses kinyan-like means, or (3) ishus is a kinyan but the kesef may not be a ma'aseh kinyan. The Rambam's position—calling kesef "midivrei sofrim"—is explained as distinguishing between cross-referencing concepts versus borrowing terminology.
Why does the Mishna alternate between the language of "kinyan" (acquisition) and "kiddushin" (sanctification) when describing marriage? The shiur develops a fundamental distinction: marriage has two separate aspects—a kinyan dimension (ownership) and a kedusha dimension (sanctified relationship). Either aspect can initiate the bond, and understanding this dual nature resolves multiple textual and halachic questions throughout the sugya.
Does kiddushei shetar require a shevah pruta? The Ran presents two approaches to the Rif's position. The shiur develops the Ran's second pshat that shetar kiddushin functions as a hachnah (exchange) rather than a mere kinyan nesina. This reading has profound implications for isuri hana'ah, mechubar, and the relationship between kesef and shetar.