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The Gemara (גמרא) asks why kiddushin through chalipin worth more than a sheva pruta shouldn't work, since that amount qualifies as kesef. The shiur develops two approaches: Rashi (רש"י) holds chalipin is inherently barter (genai), while Tosfos argues it's excluded because it's not truly kesef. A third reading suggests the Gemara distinguished symbolic-transfer chalipin (kinyan sudar) from exchange chalipin (machlif par b'chamor), with only the latter possibly valid for kiddushin.
The shiur analyzes a fundamental sugya on Kiddushin 3a concerning why kinyan chalipin (barter/exchange) does not effect kiddushin. The Gemara (גמרא)'s question is: since chalipin worth more than a sheva pruta should qualify as kesef, why doesn't it work for marriage? The shiur explores multiple approaches to this question, focusing on the positions of Rashi (רש"י), Tosfos, and the Mir Yeshiva, and develops a comprehensive framework for understanding different types of kinyan chalipin. The Mir Yeshiva proposes that the issue is batel da'as—when an individual woman accepts less than a dinar for kiddushin, her personal consent (da'as) is nullified by the fact that most women would not accept such terms. According to this view, individual choice is subordinated to societal norms. Rabbi Zweig raises two strong objections to the Mir's approach. First, the Gemara elsewhere (regarding the case of a woman taking less than a dinar) concludes "pashta yadah"—if she actually extends her hand and accepts it, the kiddushin is valid. This directly contradicts the notion of batel da'as. Second, the Gemara asks why wealthy women (bnos ravravan) shouldn't be excluded from kiddushin since they would accept a dinar. If batel da'as were the principle, this question makes no sense—those women are doing what most women would do (accept a dinar), so their da'as should certainly count.
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Kiddushin 3a
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